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Wednesday, September 29, 2010
cursory thoughts on "Sultan of Babylon"
First, I wonder why the poem spends so much time, especially at the beginning, narrating the story from the Sultan's perspective. One would expect the poem to tell its story from the prospective of the protagonist(s), but instead we get these long descriptions of the Sultan's motivations for provoking war and his responses when things don't go his way. I wonder if the poet does this intentionally to lead us to sympathize with the Sultan before pushing him away at the very end with the violent scene of his refusal to convert. Like Charlemagne, the Sultan has two people who are dear to him, "Sire Ferumbras, my sone so dere.../ And in my doghter Dame Florypas" (93-96). Yet at the end of the poem, he curses Ferumbras, and "His soule was fet to helle" (3171-3188). Perhaps this is a stretch, but I wonder if the poet is unsuccessfully trying a form of neighbor-love. He ventriloquizes the Sultan's experience, gives him a few sympathetic features, and then rips that apart for us (the Christian medieval audience) with the Sultan's final vituperation.
As a subset of this question, I'm also wondering why the Sultan keeps threatening to reject his gods, being rebuked by priests, and then pleading for forgiveness. This happens several times throughout the poem. Each moment is marked with language that sounds very "Christian": "The prestis assoyled him of that synne,/ Ful lowly for him prayinge" (2453-2454). The Sultan almost sounds Catholic here, confessing, doing penance, and being absolved of his unfaithfulness. One possible reason for these repeated movements toward apostasy could be that the poet is trying to set the Sultan in opposition to Charlemagne, who remains faithful to God throughout the poem. Another reason could again be an attempt at gentrifying or assimilating the Sultan via this Christian language, an attempt which ultimately fails. These repeated apostasies could either be sympathetic (the Sultan recognizes the emptiness of his religion in medieval Christian terms) or non-sympathetic (the Sultan's paganism is exacerbated by his tempestuous unbelief).
So how is the audience supposed to relate to the Sultan, if we take him as a neighbor figure? How does the poet or narrator relate to him? As usual, all of our questions about neighbor-love seem to be applicable here.
Monday, September 27, 2010
Mutual desire as the "gentrified neighbor"?
Wednesday, September 22, 2010
Some comments on Man of Law
First of all, I was wondering if it would be useful to return to the friend/enemy/neighbor distinction. As I understand Reinhard's assessment, the idea of a neighborhood with open boundaries is an alternative to the interior/exterior qualities that Schmitt respectively ascribes to friends and enemies. Indeed, at the beginning of the Man of Law Tale, boundaries seem very permeable; there is clearly trade between Rome and Syria, and a conversion allows the Sultan to marry Lady Constance. Of course, the conversion is a significant condition--the Emperor would never have married his daughter to a Muslim, and it converts the marriage into a type of evangelization project-- but regardless, these peoples are clearly able to coexist and make connections among each other. To a certain extent, it seems like the marriage, with its homogenizing condition, solidifies the open neighborhood boundaries so that they now delineate Christian friends, thus excluding those such as the Sultaness who do not want to belong to this particular community. She is not allowed to remain a mere neighbor, but forced to choose and thus reacts violently. I'm not completely sure where I'm going with this; perhaps it just reinforces the need Reinhard expresses for a third way of relating to others, a way that avoids seeking "friendship" based on the homogenizing tendencies Kristeva criticizes.
Anyway, regardless of where the different faults may lie for motivating the Sultaness' actions, I'm also interested, again, in the pragmatic dimension of what we do when someone does choose to be an enemy. The Biblical parables directly related to "love one's neighbor" do not deal with someone who is actively attacking you, nor is turning the other cheek always realistic in the political world. What is one's obligation to the enemy? On the other hand, if the two mothers made themselves enemies, choosing to be foreign to their families, because they felt they were the victims of injustice, perhaps they felt they only had power to react through violence. If this is the case, how would neighbor love apply to those who are not in a position of power or on equal footing? I think the element of hegemony that came up in class a few weeks ago complicates the theories of foreignness and neighbor love; loving a perceived oppressor would entail different processes than, from a position of power, trying to promote equality and respect.
I am also still interested in the role of "Satan," as I mentioned with the Prioress' tale, as a medieval way of labeling "das Ding," the impenetrable core of the Other. Perhaps there's a connection with this and the "hardening of the heart" in Biblical stories; any foreign behavior, or perceived clinging to foreign ideas, would be attributed to demonic agency. Of course, this is unfair to the other, but it would explain how communities living as neighbors could destroy each other with such ease. It also reminds me of our comments about St. Augustine, and sin as the uncanny element of oneself. In this case, it would be important to follow Kristeva and recognize the foreignness in ourselves, so as not to condemn the foreignness in others. And yet, there is ambiguity in the Sultaness--I find her discourse uncannily Christian, as she says would rather die than renege her faith (330-336). Perhaps there is an unconscious recognition of similarity in foreignness that the Christians do not recognize.
Finally, I find it intriguing that at the end of the story, Lady Constance returns home. Does the narrator feel a need for this to happen so that the story can conclude? Are there limits to integration with our neighbors? Will we always prefer to return to our own home? I don't have any formed ideas yet, but I'd like to know what you think.
Monday, September 20, 2010
Freud, Kristeva, and the undead Child
The idea of the uncanny also explains the appeal of "The Prioress's Tale" and blood libel stories in general (not for us, but the proliferation of the tale type for hundreds of years indicates some sort of appeal). Kristeva mentions the catharsis that can be reached through the reading of disturbing tales. Tales like this allow the reader/listener an encounter with the uncanny which is "safe"; it allows for readers to also experience vengeance and violence without actually getting his/her hands dirty. Kristeva mentions the need to depersonalize the strangeness of the foreigner. I'm not sure if this is the sort of thing she was referring to, but I find it interesting that "The Prioress's Tale" allows for depersonalization of the undead child and the Jews as well as those that kill the Jews in revenge. For us, as modern readers it also depersonalizes Chaucer's audience to a degree.
Friday, September 17, 2010
a few questions about Kristeva
So this last half of Strangers to Ourselves definitely seems more historical than the first half of the book (or even than most of what we've read so far in this class). I found it very interesting that while Kristeva is attempting to give an account of attitudes towards foreigners in general, she moves from political to psychoanalytic attitudes towards foreignness. Her point in the chapter on the Enlightenment seems to be a marriage of these two qualities by which the "social domain" is not homogeneous but "a union of singularities" (132). She goes on to use similar language about "conflicting shams" (147) and "cosmopolitanism" (173) to call for a new acceptance of all humans as humans, in contrast to the traditional political positions that exclude non-citizens (as though foreigners were not human).
Finally she asks, "How could one tolerate a foreigner if one did not know one was a stranger to oneself?" (182). In some ways this wraps up her political section and launches her into a psychoanalytic discussion of Freud, for whom "that which is strangely uncanny would be that which was... familiar and, under certain conditions... emerges" (183). Kristeva uses Freud's theories to demonstrate her point that our individual, psychoanalytic understanding of ourselves must inform our political position toward foreigners: since we can't know ourselves, we must exist in a position of openness to others, who also can't know themselves.
I'm curious about the "manifesto" on pages 153-154 that calls for this understanding to inform political life by "a progressive and reasonable adjustment of the rights and duties of citizens with respect to non-citizens" (153) and for "an ethics, the fulfillment of which shall depend on education and psychoanalysis" (154). Is this a valid methodology for implementing her understanding of foreignness? In other words, would this work in the real world?
It's also interesting to me that our current attitudes toward others are so based on "trade among nations", as she points out (173). What do we think about the economic (capitalist?) manifestations of otherness? Is it positive that so much of our relationships with "others" depend on economics?
Thursday, September 16, 2010
Odradek & Justice in TPT
According to Zizek, odradek is “an object that is transgenerational, immortal, outside finitude, time … jouissance embodied” yet wholly inhuman (164). I’m interested in how this concept of “jouissance realized” relates back to The Prioress’s Tale and the notion of justice, as well as the radical imbalance created by privileging One as neighbor; is odradek what allows us to recognize the capacity for violence within the undead neighbor, per our discussion in class? To some extent, it seems that justice (and the necessity of transformative intercession, i.e. The Prioress’s Tale) as well as redemption are contingent on the violence implicit in the traumatic kernel. Can we understand the Prioress as a vehicle of odradek (as per Kafka's insight into the link between bureaucracy and divine and Lacan's "the father or the worse")? Perhaps this heightened state of self-awareness (could hypocrisy be understood as a facet of piety?) and the Lacanian concept of true universalism (154 “refusal to impose one’s message on all others”) in juxtaposition with Zizek’s interpretation of the asymmetrical definitions of love and hatred (183) figure in here somewhere too...
Tuesday, September 14, 2010
What's neighbor-love? Not sure - OK, what isn't it?
Monday, September 13, 2010
Prioress's Tale: Any space for neighbor-love?
On the other hand, it's quite arguable that the problems of neighbor-love arise cluster in this tale around the Jews. The Jews are portrayed as a "waspes nest" of Satan (559), "cursed" (670), etc. They appear to be most definitely outside the boundaries of civilization, opposed to all that is Christian, foes. Yet I find it interesting that the Jews don't do anything until "the serpent Sathanas" (558) incites them to violence. Could the dead child, as the embodiment of the Jews' violent act but also as a (possibly) positive embodiment of Christian praise, work as some sort of figure of mediation between the completely opposed communities? I'm playing with the idea that the Virgin is praised perhaps even more as a result of the murder, which is only possible at the hands of the Jews.
Perhaps I'm trying to be too positive about this, but it seems to me that the tale is much more complicated than it appears at first reading.
The Trouble with Typology
Kathleen Biddick's "Dead Neighbor Archives" offers a complex response to the "political theology" of Neighbor-love by way of her critique of the rhetoric of "sovereign decision" in the theories of Santner and others. Crucial to this critique is her sense that these theories retain a medieval historiographic structure of "typology," that is, a method of thinking about time (and text) that privileges the "figural" over the "literal." She argues, in sum, that "the undeadness of Christian typological decisionism has insinuated itself into the heart of contemporary political theology and its theories of the . . . "miracles."
While some of us no doubt have a fairly clear notion of "typology" and its medieval functioning, I thought a little explanation might help. A typological notion of history understands Christian time as the fulfillment of notions prefigured by Jewish history in the pre-christian era. Established by Paul (primarily, but not only, in his Letter to the Romans), this view holds that Christ brought the "New (living) Law" as a fulfillment of the "Old (dead) Law of Moses." Thus, Christ is the New Adam, Paul the New Moses, etc. etc. The structural relation between Judaism and Christianity is one of prefiguration (Judaism) and fulfillment (Christianity), also of a (deadening) commitment to the literal (Jewish) superseded by a (life giving) commitment to the figural (Christian). You can no doubt see already the problem this notion of history raises to the politics of "neighbor-love." Augustine developed these ideas in the direction of an entire mode of reading: texts have, in the theory of reading developed from his ideas, two primary level: the literal level (that contains and can subsume) the figural level. By the twelfth century, the literal level is regularly equated with the "bran" or the "chaff" of a grain of wheat (and with what Chaucer will call "solaas"--the "surface" pleasure of the text). The figural level is equated with the "kernel" of wheat to be ground into flour (what Chaucer will call "sentence"--the "truth" or "meaning" found at the heart of every grain of text). [NB: Chaucer uses these terms, but often plays with them in very interesting ways.] The implication of this way of thinking is that the (Christian/figural) "kernal" gives us our real "food"--with obvious resonances to Eucharistic/panis angelica, etc.--while the (Jewish/literal) bran is spiritually undigestible until superseded by the Christian meaning.
The column at the French Cathedral of Vezelay (picture given above), is one of Biddick's prime examples. The flour mill is common iconography for typological meaning. In this picture of the capital, we can just make out the OT prophets (sign of Jewish Law) pouring sacks of grain into the Mill while the Apostle Paul turns the Mill handle. Paul is thus enabling the process by which the flour is taken "out of the bran." The Apostle Paul is prominent in much of the "new" political theology.
So: I wonder what you think of Biddick's account of the typological "remainder" in the rhetorics of miracle and, thus, of "neighbor-love." What is at stake, do you think, in her critique of "typological decisionism"? What to you think of her larger argument, that typology HASN'T gone away from the "theology" of "neighbor-love"?
Wednesday, September 8, 2010
We're all in this together. But how?
Santer: If Not God... (Some Questions)
A reorientation toward a neighborly understanding of society would involve a “miracle” involving the “intervention into and suspension of this dimension of super-ego attachment” (105) because it is this super-ego attachment that leads to “fantasies of exception”/transgressive desires resulting from boundaries upon them that the law attempts to set (130). In other words, if we can stop defining ourselves in terms of exception, we can be “without restraint, exposed to the proximity of the neighbor” (131). This would constitute a “miracle” in Santner-ian terms, and for Santner, a source of that miracle is divine love – the love of God - as demonstrated by Rosenzweig (133). In other words, the fact of divine love can authorize the miracle - the turn away from transgressive exceptionalism. (Another question: how does this work? The Pauline/Agamben sections were the most challenging for me.)
Yet Santer stops short of calling for a return to belief as a path toward a modern miracle of neighborly thinking. He calls for “postsecular thinking,” rather than “religious thinking” (133). So, assuming my general outline is correct, 1. What can authorize, or permit, a Santner-ian miracle in a postsecular world, if not God? And 2., what are the implications for any investigation of premodern societies? If, as Zizek proposed, premoderns lived fully exposed to the gaze of the Other (i.e., God), was premodern society necessarily more neighborly? Put differently, is the neighbor category ultimately more useful when looking at the medieval world, than it is for analyzing post-Enlightenment societ(ies)?
Nb. I am still struggling to fit these readings to my own investigations of the medieval and early modern world, but I’m optimistic about the project.
Emily Esola's Post on the Third
Technology is vexing! Emily E is having trouble posting to the blog, so I'm doing this for her. Once you log on to Blogger, you should be able to post a new topic by clicking on the "new post" button in the top right hand corner of the screen.
Without further ado, here's Emily's post:
I think, to point to the place in the text where Zizek gets most disturbingly explicit, the Muselmann as a "neighbor" "at its most traumatic" could help explain the way "privileging a One as the neighbor" is so extreme or violent.
Zizek first states, "When confronted with a Muselmann, one cannot discern in his face the trace of the abyss of the Other in his/her vulnerability, addressing us with the infinite call of our responsibility. What one gets instead is a kind of blind wall, a lack of depth" (161). Thus, the Muselmann is a "neighbor with whom no empathetic relationship is possible" (161).
Zizek then quickly expands this as it opens up for him the "key dilemma" (which I read, although which is probably incorrect or only partial, as the tragedy inherent in the Muselmann being a, orthe neighbor, "with whom no empathetic relationship is possible"): "What if it is precisely in the guise of the "faceless" face of a Muselmann that we encounter the Other's call at its purest and most radical? What if, facing the Muselmann, one hits upon one's responsibility toward the Other at its most traumatic?" (161). I think, to return to your question, Constance, that Zizek is here pointing to the "ethical violence" inherent in "choosing against the face, for the third." The violence, I think, has to do with his idea of what justice means in light of this -- he later writes, "And the elementary gesture of justice is not to show respect for the face in front of me, to be open to its depth, but to abstract from it and refocus onto the faceless Thirds in the background. It is only such a shift of focus onto the Third that effectively uproots justice, liberating it from the contingent umbilical link that renders it "embedded" in a particular situation. In other words, it is only such a shift onto the Third that grounds justice in the dimension of universality proper" (184). So, my conjecture from this is that the person who tries to focus on the face, which is always faceless, of the Muselmann, is in no position to enact justice, here figured as "an empathetic relationship" that is always already impossible because of the "zero-level" of the Muselmann. The very lack of "depth" in his faceless face negates (our) ability to form a relationship with (this), the other, who "should" make our management of the Other's call to responsibility less traumatic, or achievable via the "contingent umbilical link that renders it "embedded" in a particular situation."
So, would there be "violence" in looking away from the (faceless) face of the Muselmann to the faceless Third (a One as the neighbor)? Yes, but it seems that Zizek is highlighting that the alternative, the explicit lack of justice that created the Muselmann in the first place is a violence that we somehow overlook as violence, because it's not our fault that the Muselmann is faceless, that he "shamelessly...exposes" this lack of depth (171).